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Guest Column 4/30/08
By
CHARLES C. HAYNES Texas officials are trying hard to keep the focus on child abuse and away from religion in the custody battle involving 437 children seized from a polygamist religious sect this month. If only it were so simple. Like it or not, this conflict is about far more than the issue of older men having sex with under-age girls in violation of Texas law. Its also about religion specifically the religious culture of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (FLDS). Defenders of the church argue that the raid was an overreaction to one telephone call (that may have been a hoax) and was motivated by long-standing animus toward the FLDS community. The state counters that dramatic measures are justified when evidence points to children trapped in a religious culture that promotes child abuse. The
only way to sort out the truth, and determine the fate of the children,
will be to put the FLDS way of life on trial. Ordinarily, I bristle when someone labels a religious group a cult a term that, in popular parlance, is often used to describe a religion I dont like. Adherents of faiths considered mainstream today Catholics and Mormons, among others were derided as cult members in the 19th century. FLDS, however, has all of the marks of a more academic definition of cult: isolated from the world, secretive and beholden to a charismatic leader who exercises absolute power and authority. Under the First Amendment, of course, cults, sects, and a wide range of religious movements, new and old, are protected in the practice of their faith, no matter how unpopular or isolated from society. Although the U.S. Supreme Court has upheld some limits on religious practice (starting with polygamy in 1878), such cases are rare. But religious freedom ends when child abuse begins. Adults, for example, may have a right to refuse life-saving health care, including blood transfusions, for themselves but not for their children. Defining abuse, however, is itself subject to abuse, sometimes creating a slippery legal slope that gives people license to persecute unpopular religious groups. In the early 1800s, the presence of children in Shaker communities led some states to pass laws restricting the rights of Shaker parents, including giving the state power to rescue children by awarding custody to the parent who was not a Believer. More recently, in the 1960s, law enforcement sometimes looked the other way when de-programmers snatched young people from new religious movements at the instigation of fearful parents. Today, Texas officials are employing a sweeping definition of child abuse by removing 437 children from their FLDS families. Now the state must justify its actions by arguing that all of the children were harmed or potentially harmed by life in the church culture. As Tom Vick of the Texas Bar Association (who is rounding up lawyers for the children) puts it: If its a dangerous situation for one child, its a dangerous situation for all. This is a high bar, far more difficult than a limited investigation into specific allegations of under-age marriage. A victory for the state could mean that none of the children can be safely returned to the church. That could well spell the end of the FLDS community, at least above ground. Thats
why Texas should proceed with caution from here on. The outcome of this
case could create new grounds for intervention when the government decides
an unpopular religious group is inherently detrimental to child welfare. Barring such abuse, these children belong with their parents. Being raised in an unconventional religious system may appall or offend outsiders, but it is not by definition abusive. As much as Texas officials may not want to deal with it, this case is not only about child welfare its also about religious freedom. Charles C. Haynes is senior scholar at the First Amendment Center, 555 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20001.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- A market based currency or a manipulated currency? by LELAND P. CADE Treasury
Secretary Henry Paulson visited Billings in August of 2007. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4/9/08 More warfare coming on hunting access front (Editors Note: The following column appeared in last Sundays edition of the Billings Gazette. It is reprinted here with the permission of the Gazettes editor. The letter below deals with the same topic, and there is also a related story on the front page of todays paper). by
MARK HENCKEL Its looking like the upcoming season could be an ugly one for hunters across Montana. And if it is ugly, dont expect any relief when the 2009 Montana Legislature convenes in Helena in January. At the center of it all is hunter access - the hottest and most divisive topic in hunting these days. Its a spitting contest with resident hunters squaring off against outfitters. And its all happening because of the last spitting contest when the Montana Fish, Wildlife and Parks Commission adopted more restrictive elk archery regulations for Central and Eastern Montana. On one side you have Kurt Kephart, of Billings, and a group called PublicWildlife.Org, which is seeking to put three initiatives on the November election ballot to shore up hunters rights within Montana. On the other side you have outfitters Mark and Deanna Robbins of Roy and Toby Dahl of Roundup and landowner Don Proue of Roundup who have formed United Property Owners of Montana, Inc. The group is looking to sign up farmers and ranchers to lock out nonpaying hunters across the state. Both sides are still in what youd call the formative stages of their campaigns. Both sides have Web sites that are in some stage of construction. Both sides appear to be flexing their muscles and spreading the word to see what kind of support theyll get. Kephart has his three ballot initiatives going through the review process with the state of Montana. They are currently at the attorney generals office. The exact wording of them is still under revision by the state, but so far, they are: An act increasing public access to wildlife for the purpose of pursuing and harvesting wild fish and wild game owned by the citizens of the state of Montana by providing that no person directly or indirectly inhibit public fishing or hunting of such wildlife by buying, selling, trading, bartering, or offering to buy, sell, trade, or barter for access to land. This proposed amendment adds a provision to Article 9, Section 7 of the Constitution of the state of Montana declaring that the people of the state of Montana and all of its citizens together and collectively own the wild fish and wild game animals of this state. Accordingly, any law adopted affecting this right shall not conflict with it and corporate or commercial interests must take a secondary interest to that right. This initiative allows nonprofit corporations to conduct lotteries for the purpose of acquiring or enhancing access to land and wildlife for the benefit of all Montanas citizens. The nonprofit must be established to do business in Montana, and acquire a permit from the Department of Justice. It cannot spend more than 18.5 percent on administrative expenses. Lotteries may be conducted on an annual, quarterly, monthly, weekly or bi-weekly basis. Nonprofits must provide an accounting to the department. The department is given the authority to regulate the lotteries and adopt rules for conducting lotteries. The attorney generals office is expected to have these worked out in final form by April 28. PublicWildlife.Org then has until June 12 to get enough signatures, from enough Montana voters, in enough legislative districts to put them on the ballot. Kephart maintains these are not private land issues. Instead, they are public wildlife issues. When outfitting and fee hunting block public access to public fish and wildlife, the fish and wildlife become private property and thats what hes seeking to prevent. But United Property Owners of Montana, Inc., views the measure as an attack on private property rights and is battling that while trying to show its discontent with the FWP Commissions action that put elk archery and antelope archery hunting on a limited number of permits. By putting a limit on permit numbers, nonresident hunters may be limited to 10 percent of the available permits in a hunting district. On its Web site, the group states, Any attempt by a federal or state agency to erode or diminish private property rights must be rejected by the people.... The FWP has openly stated that they believe the unlimited archery permits are encouraging the leasing and sale of private land for hunting. FWP wants to take away the certainty of a guaranteed license so that sportsmen are not willing to contract with the private landowner for access, and to devalue your land so it does not sell for the recreational opportunity. In an e-mail sent out in the wake of a meeting held in Roundup in early March, the group also stated, United Property Owners of Montana, Inc., would like to know if you are willing to further support this effort to protect our private property rights. We are asking for confirmation of your support by the following means: Will you be willing to participate in a sign campaign that would have you posting protest signs on your gate? Will you be willing to make a commitment of your acres to a potential lockout of the general public hunter this fall? It listed www.unitedpropertyownersofmt.com as its Web site with Robbins, Dahl and Proue as the groups steering committee. Put it all together and the prospects for a peaceful fall of hunting are not good. But in the meantime, all anyone can do is keep watch on the situation and prepare for what looks like more warfare on the hunting access front. Mark Henckel is the outdoor editor of The Billings Gazette. Contact him at 633-2598 or at henckel@billingsgazette.com.
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